by Sean Gabb
October 24, 2012
This is not an attack on tradition in itself, but the unfolding of an alternative tradition.
Part of what defines a nation is the relationship between its ruling classand the people at large. Our historic self-perception as English is based on the relationship between rulers and ruled that existed before 1914, and, though to a fading degree, for a couple of generations thereafter.
The English people in 1914 were capable of fully democratic self-government.They had the necessary cultural and genetic cohesiveness for a democratic systemnot to descend into chaos or majoritarian tyranny.
Democracy, however, was not necessary, as the oligarchy of hereditarylandlords who ruled England had absolutely identified itself with the nation.Every interest group had its place within the nation, and there was a place forall.
After 1914, the old ruling class was destroyed—the heavy casualties of bothWorld Wars, high taxes on static wealth, demands for a fraudulent kind ofdemocracy, and so forth. The old ruling class went down before all this, becauseit never tried to evade the duties that came with national identification.
The new ruling class is a coalition of politicians, bureaucrats, educators,lawyers, media people, and associated business interests that draws income andstatus from an enlarged and activist state. It does not own the means ofproduction but is content merely to control them. Its general desire is to avoidthe entanglements that destroyed the old ruling class. It wishes to avoid morethan token identification with the English people at large.
“Conservatives, after all, should not wish to copy themistakes of the French revolutionaries.”
The present—and so far the most successful—scheme of liberation is to makepower opaque and unaccountable by shifting it upwards to various multinationaltreaty organizations—e.g., the EU, WTO, NATO, etc.—and to Balkanize England intogroupings more suspicious of each other than willing to combine against theruling class.
State-sponsored mass immigration has been the most obvious evidence of thisdesire. Filling the country with people of different colors and with differentways, which do not like each other, and do not like and are not liked by thenatives, is ideal Balkanization. But one of the purposes of politicalcorrectness is also to divide the native population—women against men,homosexuals against Christians, and so forth.
The final desire is for the mass of ordinary people to be dispossessed andimpoverished and unable to challenge structures of exploitation that channelfantastic wealth to a free-floating class of masters.
If we want to avoid this, we must destroy the ruling class now. Its weaknessis its reliance on the state as source or enabler of its income. Conservatives,therefore, must seize control of the state and disestablish the rulingclass.
If we want to win the battle for this country, we need to take advice fromthe Marxists. These are people whose ends were evil where not impossible. Butthey were experts in the means to their ends. They knew more than we have everthought about the seizure and retention of power. If, therefore, we ever achievea government of conservatives and seek to bring about the irreversible transferof power to ordinary people, we should take to heart what Marx said in 1871after the failure of the Paris Commune:
…the next attempt of the French Revolution will be no longer, as before, totransfer the bureaucratic-military machine from one hand to another, but tosmash it, and this is the precondition for every real people’s revolution….
The meaning of this is that we should not try to work with the ruling class.We should not try to jolly it along. We should not try fighting it on narrowfronts. We must regard it as the enemy, and we must smash it.
On the first day of our government of conservatives, we should close down theBBC. We should take it off the air. We should disclaim its copyrights. We shouldthrow all its staff into the street and cancel their pensions. We should not tryto privatize the BBC. This would simply be to transfer the voice of our enemyfrom the public to the private sector, where it might be more effective in itsopposition. We must shut it down—and shut it down at once.
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